 (Phnom Penh, Cambodia) 24/01/2004. Close to 15,000 people attended Chea Vichea's funeral
© John Vink/ Magnum
Highlights in the life of Chea Vichea, the high-profile workers' rights advocate who spearheaded the trade union movement in Cambodia. Four years after his assassination in broad daylight in the capital Phnom Penh, his action continues to inspire defenders of the working class.
His appearance was discreet, almost anonymous. But the name of Chea Vichea became famous very quickly among workers in the garment industry who, alongside Sam Rainsy, he attempted to unite in 1996 in the first trade union to be truly independent from employers, the Free Trade Union of Workers of the Kingdom of Cambodia (FTUWKC).
His path crossed Sam Rainsy's in 1995, when he came back from Russia after seven years spent studying forest management. Chea Vichea was appointed to a position within in the forestry administration in the province of Kandal. He took part in the creation of the Khmer National Party (later renamed Sam Rainsy Party , the new party of Sam Rainsy, then recently sacked from the Funcinpec . In 1998, his social activism took precedence over his political commitment. He became an adviser for the FTUWKC before being appointed to the movement's leadership the following year – he remained president of the union until his death. Over the years, he was careful to dissociate his trade union commitment from his political responsibilities. Faithful to his social concerns, he married a worker who was also a union representative.
Birth of a working class consciousness
To the workers of a booming garment industry, he kept repeating tirelessly: “Dare to express yourselves. Have no fear. Strength lies in unity.” As soon as he mentioned social issues, Chea Vichea turned into an outstanding speaker. His talent in galvanising crowds enabled him to successfully introduce Cambodia to its first strikes and demonstrations – an accomplishment in which he took a certain pride. “I have taught Cambodians how to take to the streets and defend their interests,” he willingly acknowledged in interviews.
His frame may be frail, but he knew how to stand up to employers. Some described him as headstrong. The man was regarded as a troublemaker by others – employers saw him as sometimes too aggressive – but he established himself as the key negotiator in social disputes. Taboos were broken. People became bold enough to express condemnation or make claims. They called for the increase of workers salaries, decried mandatory overtime or defended the idea of a minimum pay. The actions of Chea Vichea and his companions hit the spot and a working class consciousness emerged.
Action based on education
Considered by his relatives to be the learned one in the family, Chea Vichea pursued studies smoothly. When he became a trade unionist, he soaked up all the books he could find about workers' rights with never-ending eagerness and sourced his inspiration from experiences carried out elsewhere. He spent countless hours gathering and sharing this knowledge.
The union leader emphasised the importance of educating workers about the Labour Law and explained their rights to anyone keen to know, whether they were union members or not and regardless of their affiliation – or not – to the FTUWKC. He believed that knowing laws was fundamental to the struggle of the working class.
Without fear and beyond reproach
His commitments were not without risks and he knew it. He was injured in the March 30th 1997 grenade attack carried against a demonstration led by Sam Rainsy, which he took part in. But still, he did not backtrack and his activism remained as fervent as ever.
In 2003, Chea Vichea revealed to Human rights organisations and the media that he had received death threats. He feared for his life but refused offers of asylum then made by the United States. When he finally went on exile, he chose the countryside. But as the months passed, he could no longer resist the call of the capital and the social action still to be led. As a consequence, he returned to public prominence and renewed with his everyday habits. One of these was to read the papers every morning in front of a news stand located at the back of Wat Langka, one of the capital's main pagodas. It was there that on January 22nd 2004, two men on a motorbike shot him almost at point-blank. He died immediately. Then aged 36, he left behind a little girl and a pregnant wife, who received asylum in Finland shortly afterwards.
“Workers' hero”
The funerals of the FTUWKC president took a national dimension. King Norodom Sihanouk posthumously awarded him the badge of the knights of the Royal Order of Cambodia, while hundreds of workers flocked to the centre of Phnom Penh to pay their last tribute to their charismatic leader. A decorated bier containing his body was erected in front of Wat Botum, where the funeral ceremonies of the kingdom's highest dignitaries are traditionally held.
Friends of Chea Vichea, trade unionists and politicians spoke one after another on the microphone and promised that his struggle would survive him because “there is not only one Chea Vichea in Cambodia” but several. Yet, among the workers, some whispered they would no longer dare to raise their fists if Chea Vichea was no longer next to them. Converging stories unanimously painted the portrait of a man who was available, “who could always be counted on” and who invariably professed “workers first”.
Without any delay, the FTUWKC presented a request with the municipality of Phnom Penh asking for a statue of Chea Vichea to be built a few meters from the place where he was killed and for him to be granted the title of “workers' hero”. The call – although regularly renewed since – has still been in vain.
In order to keep the flame, Chea Vichea's brother, Chea Mony, was elected FTUWKC president in 2004. To this day, he continues to lead the trade union, which claimed in early 2008 a total of 78,000 members in 180 factories.
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By Doris
By John Vink
By Doris